Updated Sunday 15 May, 2011 12:18 PM

Victor

OTL, 7 decades of Danish expansion south and east of the Baltic Sea ended with the battle of Bornhöved in Holstein in 1227. In short Heinrich the Black of Mecklenburg, a German vassal of king Valdemar II the Victor of Denmark felt slighted, kidnapped the king and his son, and held them for ransom. The German nobles, sensing an opportunity to exchange a close Danish monarch for a distant German one, immediately flocked around Heinrich, demanding the roll-back of the last 7 decades of Danish conquests. The Danish nobles, on the other hand, tired of having to fight in the incessant expansionist campaigns, paid the ransom for the king, but refused to gather any troops to threaten the kidnappers with. When Valdemar, and later his son got out in 1225 and 1226, he immediately launched a campaign against the rebellious German nobles, finally meeting them in battle at Bornhöved. In the middle of the battle, however, a detachment of Frisians from Ditmarschen changed sides, and attacked the Danish army in the back.

So, what if the Ditmarscheners had been loyal, and Valdemar had won the battle of Bornhöved?

POD: Margrete Skulesdaughter (daughter of Skule Jarl, pretender to the Norwegian throne) chooses not to marry Håkon Håkonsson (the king of Norway), but is instead betrothed to Valdemar III, Valdemar IIs son, and they marry in 1225. His father sends some hundred men to aid Valdemar II in the battle of Bornhöved in 1227. These sway the odds.

Valdemar II (1170-1241, reigning 1202-1241)

The German rebellion

After the battle, the sight of the battlefield is heartbreaking: the ferocity of the fighting has left some 5.000 Germans on the field, along with the count of Schauenburg and the duke of Saxony. At their sides lie a somewhat lesser number of Danes and Lüneburgian allies, making it one of the bloodiest battles of its day.

In spite of the losses, Valdemar resumes his campaign, though, and cleanses North-Albingia of rebels, taking Lübeck thanks to the loyalist hold-outs in its citadel in the fall, and Hamburg when the Elbe freezes over. In both cities, trials are held, and those guilty of their desertion are executed and their possessions confiscated. The same is the case all over North-Albingia, where military courts spring up.

During the winter, Heinrich the Black is driven out of his county, and along with it the remainder of Schwerin is confiscated on ground of the treachery of its heirs.

As it becomes evident that their king is indeed winning back his north German domains, several of the Danish nobles begin sending troops. Even the Pommeranian dukes, until now only paying lip-service to their obligation, arrive with a host to join their master.

Strengthened, and with the considerable bloodshed now exacted upon the Germans in two battles, the rebels begin falling from the cause one by one. The count of Dannenberg has to cede his main castle - at Dannenberg - , where Valdemar was held captive, and along with the other counts further down the Elbe, he pays a large indemnity of some 12.000 marks of silver.

Heinrich the Black, however, does not give up, but assembles another army with the aid of the archbishop of Bremen-Verden in Saxony.

The spring of 1228 sees also this army fail, and the archbishop dies while fleeing from the battlefield, several arrows in his back. Following that also the archbishopric sues for peace, and cedes the land of Hadeln and the castle of Stade with surroundings. In addition, the clergy elects a candidate of Valdemars as the next archbishop. Then again, the former one was a candidate of Valdemars, too......

Left is just Saxony, and following thorough pillaging of the northern reaches of the dukedom, the guardians of the duke’s heirs finally take matters in their own hand, arrest Heinrich the Black and turn him over to Valdemar along with some 24.000 marks of silver.

Securing the realm…. (1228-35)

Thus done with his external enemies, Valdemar deals with his internal ones. Thoroughly tortured, Heinrich the Black reveals how a concert of Danish nobles lead by the head of the White clan, Jakob of Møn, have negotiated with him, trying to bring him to divesting Valdemar of this north-German lands and putting him so deep in debt as to prevent any future aggressive foreign policy.

Needless to say, this is treason, and a good number of the larger landowners - all part of the pro-White clique – are divested of both their lives and worldly possessions. The Pomeranian dukes, at the same time, are divested of all their lands west of the Oder thanks to their inactivity when the call went out for them to support their king.

To further secure his hold upon power in Denmark, a major program of administrative and economic reforms is put through. Among them is a colonisation program designed to sap the strength of the large landowners, and at the same time provide reliable vassals in the non-Danish possessions. It consists mainly of free land grants to any landless peasant who wants to take and tend it. To give the peasants further incentive, they are excepted from the leacy other than in defence of the region they move to. As many of the peasants have become landless simply to escape the continuous levies drawn by the king to aid his program of expansion, many go abroad. In the process, they provide the local Danish administrators with a more reliable populace to base their power on. They also, inadvertently, begin a slow process of Danification, competing with the German settlers streaming in from the west.

To further strengthen royal control, the grant of land is applied rather selectively, so only those large landowners of dubious loyalty lose peasants on their lands.

Other parts of the reform are an exact registration of the ownership of land, of income, and of duties owed to the crown, thus increasing tax returns, and a currency reform. Over the last three generations, the coin has lost two thirds in worth, as steady warfare has forced a dilution of the former all-silver coins. With the enormous amounts of silver gained from the North German rebels, the silver amount is brought back up. This also has the advantage that as many of the taxes, and all fines, are specified in amounts of coin rather than silver, the actual worth of these fines and taxes triples in worth with the coin reform.

…and the family (1227-1230)

At the same time, the bloodline and the outcome of Valdemars sons is also secured.

Valdemars son Valdemar III keeps the dukedom of Slesvig, to which is added Northalbingia (Holstein), as his personal fief. The younger Valdemar already fathers a son – Valdemar - in 1227, but the son dies in 1230. Another son - Knud – in 1232 (dies 1257), a daughter – Dagmar – in 1234 (dies 1262), and another son – Erik – in 1238 (dies 1280).

Valdemar II´s other sons get dukedoms cobbled together from various counties. In the case of Erik, it is one consisting of Vagria, Schwerin-Boizenburg and Ratzeburg, in that of Christopher it is one of Mecklenburg and Triebsee, and Abel gets Estonia and – after it is conquered – Finland.

Alliances (1228-1236)…..

Though the nobles of northern Germany have been defeated – at least in the short term – there is no peace neither with France nor the German empire, and thus Valdemar sees it as an opportune moment to reinforce old alliances by marriages between some of the sons of his second marriage and suitable princesses.

One is found in the shape of Beatrix (1225-1290), daughter of king Venceslas of Bohemia. She is engaged to Christopher (born 1219) in 1229, but the marriage itself – along with the handing over of the dowry, Upper Lusatia – only takes place in 1241, when Beatrix turns 16. Over time, they get four sons (in 1242, 1244, 1248 and 1253) and two daughters (in 1246 and 1250), thus sealing the Danish-Bohemian alliance begun with Valdemars own marriage to princess Dragomis/Dagmar of Bohemia in 1206.

Another is found in Isabella of England (1214-1243), daughter of King John Lackland of England. She is engaged to Erik (born 1216), and they marry in 1232. Though they get four children, only a daughter lives into maturity.

With the consolidation of Danish power, the enmity between Denmark and the empire becomes a festering wound in the back of emperor Friedrich II. When his son Heinrich IV, the king of Germany, proves to be an embarrassment, even striking an alliance with Friedrichs arch enemies, the Lombard League, the emperor decides to go to Germany in person in 1235. Quickly reining in his son, he also takes the opportunity to make peace both with the Welf family, the old rivals to the imperial throne, and with the Danes.

In a bull, Valdemar II and his family is recognized as the sole sovereign of all his north German possessions. At the same time Otto of Braunschweig-Lüneburg is confirmed in his possession of his Saxon lands, and is granted the title of duke on top, thus ending Welf-Staufer enmity.

The newfound peace is sealed by the marriage of Friedrich II to the Danish princess Sophie (1217-1241). When Valdemars son Abel marries Margaret I of Hennegau (1202-1280), sister to Johanna, countess of Flanders, the old Welf/English/Danish/Flanders-Staufer/French conflict seems finally to have been ended. It is thus with his back covered, that Valdemar begins to put somewhat more effort into his Scandinavian policies.

Resumption of conquest (1228-1237)

Already from 1228, when the situation in northern Germany fundamentally has been mastered, Valdemar II turns his attention again to the Baltic, where it was last in 1222. The primary goal is to regain control over the lands in which it has lapsed as attention has been concentrated elsewhere.

Consequently, the next 10 years see yearly campaigns bring back not just Estonia from the Livonian Order (quite an easy task, as Denmark can just shut off reinforcements through Lübeck to the order - happens in 1229) , but also Pommerelia and Samland in Prussia (in 1230) and Finland (in 1233). Because the nobles are still grumbling, Valdemar mostly stays at home, sending his son Valdemar III out to head these campaigns.

Thanks to a papal call for a crusade against the Prussians, Valdemar is even able to call upon a range of German rulers to aid in the occupation of Prussia. In that way, the entire Vistula river valley up to the great bend and the coastal regions end up under his control.

Then, in 1234, the old impostor Knut Holmgeirsson Långe dies, and leaves the Swedish crown empty. Valdemar II sends his nephew Erik Läspe och Halte, whom Knut Långe drove from the Swedish throne in 1229, back with an army, and Erik manages to get elected king again.

Fully aware that his own supporters in Väster- and Östergötland are not enough to keep him on the throne in the face of the Folkunge-clan of Uppland (to whom Knut Långe was belonging), he accepts Valdemar as his liege, thus giving him a stake in Eriks remaining on the throne.

While the great landowners of Uppland remain hostile, Valdemar is able to swing those not happy about the new state of things in East and West Götaland by granting the great landowners there substantial tracts of land around his empire. To strengthen Eriks (and Valdemars) control over things, Valdemars son Christopher is made Jarl, thus assuming responsibility of administering those areas the king is away from (almost always Uppland) as well as controlling the wartime army.

Along with these, Christopher also assumes the Danish dukedom of Finland and Estonia from his brother Abel, who leaves for Flanders. Christopher’s original dukedom in Mecklenburg reverts to the throne.

Finally rounding off expansion in the Baltic is Danish intervention in the lands of the Livonian Order after it suffers a crushing defeat at the hands of the Lithuanians in 1236. Because of Order mistreatment of both laity and clergy, it has already been under Papal investigation for some time, and this is the last straw. The Pope dissolves the order and, thanks to king Valdemars ever-good relations with the Papacy, transfers both the lands and the obligations of the Order to him as a fief of the Papacy.

After some deliberation, both bishoprics and the city of Riga also ask for Danish protection, as does king Lammekinus of Kurland.

With this, Danish expansion in the Baltic is rounded off. Danish trade prospers.

Norway (1239-1242)

With things thus settled pretty much all around Denmark, there remains just one spot left, in which Denmark has yet to make its power felt. In the beginning of the century, there had been some Danish meddling in the incessant Norwegian civil wars, where Erling Steinvæg had been put on the throne thanks to Danish intervention. As a sort of ”thank you”, he had been quick to take Norway as a fief from King Valdemar II´s hand. When first Valdemar had returned to Denmark, however, he had been even quicker to forget his fealty.

Thus, when Danish client Skule Jarl seems to be losing out in a power struggle with Norwegian king Håkon Håkonsson, declaring himself king and taking up arms, there needs to be little incentive for Danish help to arrive. Initially, Skule Jarl manages nicely without Danish help, though. He has his crowning confirmed by a local assembly in Throndhjem in 1239, and then marches south and beats a royal army at Laaka in Viken, the region around Oslo. A second battle at Oslo ends in defeat, but thanks to a relieving Danish army, he is able to also take over the whole region, the old centre of the pro-Danish Bagler party. After that follows several years of back-and-forth fighting, though.

It is in this situation, engaged in Norway and doing all it can to make some sort of whole out of the various brought-together regions of the Danish empire, that papal messengers, following the banishment of the German Emperor Friedrich II in 1239, offer the Imperial German throne to Valdemars son Abel. Thinking better than to engage his forces in such a struggle, Valdemar turns down the offer, however. In 1240, an English request for assistance in its war with France is also turned down, as is a like request by both Pope and German princes for help against the Mongols.

As it turns out, these are wise choices.

Valdemar III (1209-1280), reigning (1216-)1241-1280

When Valdemar II (ever after known as Valdemar the Victor) dies in 1241, his son Valdemar III takes over a vastly expanded empire, and true enough, it begins cracking as soon as the news of his father’s death spreads.

Northern War (1241-1246)

For years, Håkon Håkonsson in Norway has held secret negotiations with not only the Danish nobles, but also the Folkunge-dynasty in Sweden. In 1241, these three parties take up weapons against Valdemar III, and in the ensuing turmoil, both the still-free Prussians, the Tavasts in Finland and the Lithuanians take advantage of the situation to pillage the eastern regions. Novgorod also soon joins in, plundering in both Estonia and Finland.

Initially, Valdemar III leaves both Norway and Sweden to their respective kings, and the Baltic possessions to themselves, instead concentrating upon Denmark itself. Given the vast secure holdings the king has in northern Germany and the fact that these deliver some superb cavalry that the Danish nobles are hard pressed to match, Valdemar manages to subdue the rebellion within the year by the massive application of cavalry sweeps, that end in two battles, near Skanderborg and near Roskilde.

Meanwhile, Skule Jarl ends the Norwegian civil war early, as some of his followers track Håkon Håkonsson down on a farm not far outside Bergen. He is subsequently dragged into the yard and killed. While some of Håkons supporters continue to resist, they are far between, and the Norwegian civil war is fundamentally over by 1243.

In Sweden, Erik Läspe och Halte is initially able to hold his own, but barely. His army and that of the Folkune meets at Gestilren, and the battle ends in a bloody draw. Thus, when the Danish cavalry arrives in 1243, it immediately takes the offensive, sweeping up between lakes Mälarn and Vänarn, and beating the Folkunge-clan in battle at Uppsala. In the aftermath, quite a few of the rebels are executed, and their lands taken away from them.

In the Baltics, the combined efforts of the local garrisons (chief among them the colonist peasants) and a Danish force sent east under Valdemars brother Erik (who takes over the duchy of Estonia and Finland) in 1242 manage to hold the fort against Lithuanians and Prussians. When Sweden has been secured, to these are added two more armies, one of Swedes and Danes going into Finland and subduing the Tavasts, and another going to Estonia, where the army of Novgorod is beaten upon Lake Peipus by a cavalry army.

By the time the worst is finally over (Prussians and Lithuanians of course continue raiding), Valdemar III is secure in his seat. Following the habit of his father, his own son is crowned as co-king alongside his father as Knud VII at the tender age of 16 in 1246. To secure Danish influence in Norway and Sweden, he is at the same time made Duke in both Viken in Norway and Västergötland in Sweden, thus putting the most pro-Danish region in both countries under Danish control, albeit with the Norwegian and Swedish kings as liege.

Preparations for a Crusade (1246-1248)

Thus, with the Danish empire secured and with most of Valdemar IIIs brothers abroad (Christopher is in Upper Lusatia, while Abel has become duke of Flanders thanks to the timely death of his sister-in-law), and their dukedoms in the Danish empire back in royal hands, Denmark is now stronger and more consolidated than ever. All foreign and internal enemies have been beaten, and alliances with England and Bohemia and excellent relations with the Papacy and France lend extra security.

It is in this situation that Valdemar decides, to absolve the sins of himself and his people, to go on a crusade. Over the two years that the preparations take, an agreement is struck with Louis IX of France to meet up with him in Cyprus, thus also strengthening the friendly bonds that have prevailed with France since 1235.

To further strengthen the alliance, and with the help of Papal mediation in an inheritance dispute, Margaret the Black and Valdemars brother Abel are confirmed in their possessions of the counties of Flanders and Hennegau after the death of his wife’s sister. Abel will accompany them on the crusade.

Thus, in 1248 Valdemar sets out from Denmark, at the same time that Louis leaves for Cyprus. At home, Knud VII (now 16 years old) is left in charge, with his uncle Erik as support.

To Spain…(1248-1249)

Thanks to the somewhat longer journey from Denmark, Valdemar and his army of Danes, Norwegians, Swedes, Germans, Slavs and Flemings overwinter in Portugal, where Abels uncle is reigning. Taking advantage of the opportunity, just as a Scandinavian army did during the 2nd Crusade, the crusader army involves itself in the Spanish attack on the Moors going on at the time, helping the Portuguese take the Algarve, and the Taif-dom of Seville following a large naval battle off Seville. An amphibious force composed mainly of Norwegians and Danes goes even further east, aiding the Aragonese in their occupation of the Taif-dom of Murcia. In the east they go east, joining up with the French in Cyprus.

…..and the conquest of Egypt (1249-51)

Taking a few months to consolidate their forces, they land in Egypt and quickly manage to take the fortress of Damietta. This is the second time the Egyptians lose this gateway to the delta, and their morale collapses. In the aftermath, the crusader army is able to advance fast, taking Manure further up the Nile. Though the Egyptian sultan al-Salix Aye takes an army north to meet the crusaders at Manure, he dies shortly before the actual battle of natural causes, thus further rattling Egyptian morale, and the battle proves a slaughter. It is thus a rather easy task, in the end, to move even further up the Nile and lay siege to Cairo. There, Turin Shah, the new sultan, proves to be rather open to negotiation. Injured by a Manlike attempt to kill him (the Mukluks are slave soldiers) and continue the war, he opens the gates to Cairo, and lets the crusaders massacre the Mukluks.

In the end, a treaty is hammered out, that sees the crusader states enlarged to the size they had following the 1st crusade. In addition, a marcher dukedom is established to shield Palestine from Egypt, including the fortresses of Danita and Bibles, and the harbour city of Tinnis. Finally, Crusader garrisons are to be placed in Cairo, Alexandria and Rosetta, to keep an eye on things. The fortifications of all these lands are to be paid by the Egyptians, and on top of it all, there is to be paid a yearly tribute of 800.000 gold bezants.

Needless to say, the Ayyubid princelings in Syria are not too thrilled with all of this, and they send an army to Egypt to right the wrongs. Turan Shah, seeing a possibility of getting out of his obligations, tries to revolt, but is killed in the process, and along with him a sound number of Moslems. The Ayyubid army is intercepted before leaving the Sinai desert, and is defeated. In the ensuing free-for all in Syria, the crusader states are able to occupy Damascus and Aleppo, while most of the areas further east go to the sultanate of Mosul.

Quarrels over the loot (1251- 1254)

Then the quarrels begin, however. Who is to govern the conquests?? It is soon decided that the Syrian gains are to be given to the Palestinian crusader states as the spoils of victory, but Egypt is a bigger problem. Both Valdemar and Louis have sons for whom Egypt would be a nice place to reign. While Louis´second-eldest son Phillip is only 6 years old by now (1251), Valdemars - Erik - is 13. Moreover, Erik is in Egypt, while Phillip is still with his mother in France. After months of bickering, an agreement is hammered out:

Erik is to be sole king over Egypt until Louis´son - Phillip - gains maturity in 1263. Then, Erik is to get a kingdom in eastern Egypt, including Tinnis, Damietta, Bilbais and - most important - Cairo. In return, Phillip will get all of Upper Egypt and the western delta, including Alexandria. Though the deal is sealed, neither of the two kings is satisfied. An enmity has been created, one that is not likely to go away anytime soon.

By now, the death of emperor Friedrich II in Europe calls attention to another matter. Friedrich has willed the kingdoms of Jerusalem and Arelat to his - by 1251 - 13 year old son Heinrich, whose mother is Valdemars half-sister Sophie. Heinrich chooses to stay on in Sicily and aid his half-brothers in the fight with the Papacy, however, so Valdemar decides to make sure nobody else tries to take over his half-nephews rights – he goes to Jerusalem.

After securing the realm, the kingdom of Jerusalem (now greatly expanded), is put under the temporary control of Erik along with Egypt. With plenty of money from the Egyptian trade to go around, and with plenty of newly conquered lands to grant, it isn’t hard for him to convince a quite great part of the remaining crusaders to stay and help him defend his realm. To further keep the grumbling Moslems under control, any discontents are forcibly conscripted into the workforce that sets about restoring the old canal between the Nile and the Red Sea, thus greatly facilitating trade. The Coptic Christians are given great freedoms, and relieved of the punitive measures taken against them by the Ayyubids. As a result, Erik is able to count upon their support.

Meanwhile, having spent some 6 years abroad by 1254, Valdemar III, named "The Crusader" returns home.

Expansion of Denmark in the absence of the king (1248-1255)

When Valdemar returns home in 1255, he finds his kingdom even larger than he left it. The duo of Valdemars co-king and son, Knud VII, and his half-brother and Baltic Duke Erik (son-less since 1253) has proven to be a singularly good choice.

In the east, Erik has vigilantly protected his duchy, even adding a number of regions to it. While the Lithuanian raiders have been kept at bay, a final combined host of pro-Danish German nobles led east to support Erik has proven to be what it took to finally defeat the Prussians. They are brought to accept Danish sovereignty in 1250 after further alliances with the duchy of Masowia to the south have pushed them beyond the breaking point. .

Further north, the simmering war with the Novgorodians had erupted again, but a number of forays brought not only the Vods NE of Estonia to pay tribute, but also added the Russian principality of Pskov and, after the defeat of the Novgorodians under their prince Alexander on the Neva, the western shore of Lake Ladoga. With the latter region naturally followed the tribute and allegiance owed by the Karelians.

Thoroughly defeated, Novgorod and Denmark sign a peace treaty.

The empire being built up is further strengthened when the Swedish and Norwegian vassals both die in the early 1250s, Skule in Norway in 1251, Erik Läspe in Sweden in 1252. Given that both die without male heirs (Erik Läspe never got around to father children, and Skule only had a daughter), Valdemar III – even in his absence – is easily manoeuvred into position as the strongest candidate for the Norwegian and Swedish crowns. Relations with the dead monarch (he is wed to Skules only daughters, and cousin of Erik Läspe) help a lot here, too.

Thus, Valdemar is chosen as king in both Sweden and Norway.

At the same time, the few remaining Scandinavian lands in the Northern Atlantic are also brought under Danish control.

On Iceland, the machinations of Snorre Sturlasson, old client of Skule, bring the republic of Iceland under the Danish crown. Greenland follows by the simple act of sending three ships loaded with goods to the settlers there.

Finally, a naval show of strength in Scotland brings about a peaceful settlement of the row with the Scots over the Kingdom of Man and its successors. The Nordic realms on Man, the islands along Scotland’s western coast as well as in Caithness and Sutherland are confirmed as Danish vassals, and the Scots king is paid a healthy sum in silver to console him.

Cold War (1255-

Thus it is, that Valdemar III finds en even larger, more consolidated and prosperous realm when he returns than when he went away. Having made some arrangements on the way home from the Crusade, he sets about further strengthening the system of alliances he has created, now with the aim of humbling France.

A Castilian-English dispute over the ownership of Aquitaine starts out the series of events that in the end lead to war. When Aragonese claims to Provence and Aragonese-Castilian disputes over the kingdom of Murcia are added, the alliance between Portugal, Aragon, England, Denmark and Flanders is soon formalized.

At the same time, evens in the Mediterranean have further heightened the stakes:

As Konrad IV, the oldest son of Friedrich II, dies in 1254, this leaves the Staufen dynasty in the hands of Heinrich, the nephew of Valdemar.

Though domestic quarrels with the clergy have begun to increase over their demand for secular rights comparable to the power they have amassed through land donations, Valdemar is still able through his connections with the Papacy to negotiate a temporary end to the Papal-Staufen wars. Apart from Arelat, Sicily and Jerusalem, Heinrich has to give up upon all Staufen holdings, however. While the war as such is off, negotiations of the details

Needless to say, King Louis IX of France is hardly amused, and neither is Alfons X of Castile. The first of obvious reasons: such an end to the war leaves way too much power in the hands of pro-Danish factions. The latter because he sees himself as the right heir to the Staufen inheritance through his marriage to Beatrix of Schwaben, daughter of Friedrich II.

Thus it is, that 1257 sees two elections for the throne in the kingdom of Germany: one dominated by the French/Castilian faction with Alfonse of Castile as the sole candidate, and one dominated by Valdemar and the Stauffer, with Richard of Cornwall as the candidate. Richard both has family connections to the Hohenstaufen family and good connections to the Papacy.

The picture, however, becomes a bit more complicated when Valdemars son Knud VII dies, leaving Erik, now reigning in Egypt, as heir to the Danish throne. Especially when he is kidnapped on the way to Denmark, delivered in the custody of the French king, and held ransom with the aim of forcing concessions out of the Danes in Germany, Flanders and Egypt.

Now, while you really can’t compare the two, Valdemar has been there before himself. Of course, Erik is held on a large mansion not far from Paris, where Valdemar was held on a damp castle in the middle of a swamp, and Erik has extensive access to hunting, feasting and conversation with the scholars at the university of Paris (he has developed somewhat of an interest in the arts and sciences since coming in contact with the Arab scholars in Egypt), but after all: captive is captive.

While Valdemars father had the chance to free his son by sending his three other sons in return, Valdemar himself only has his daughter Dagmar, now that Knud has died, however. Still, Valdemar has one advantage: he himself has not been taken prisoner.

As a consequence, the final treaty releasing Erik in 1259 is rather mild: Valdemar promises to not interfere in neither France (read Flanders) nor Germany (the war building between Alfonse of Castile and Richard of Cornwall) or the Papacy-Stauffer wars (these have broken out again in 1258). Finally, Egypt is to pass entirely to Louis´ son when he reaches maturity.

To safeguard Valdemars keeping of the treaty, he swears an oath to the pope, and Erik is only freed after Flanders has been substantially weakened. The latter takes place when Valdemars brother Abel agrees (in the presence of a French army) to give up the county of Hennegau to the children his wife has from her first marriage.

World War I – The preliminaries

With the release of Erik in 1259, all bets are off, however. Just as his father, Valdemar expects the pope to absolve him from all the promises made, as they were made under duress. Not so this time, however. The Papacy finally has the Stauffer where it likes them, and is not about giving up on that. The Scandinavian clergy, too, as of late has been quite frankly disturbing in its descriptions of how the king goes about infringing on their god-given rights. As a result, the Pope says ”no”, and means it, too.

It’s not as if Valdemar is dissuaded by this, however. The last two years have been spent making preparations to change any promises made, and it’s not as if these are going to be in vain.

In the Mediterranean, Heinrich has for the time being given Egypt to safeguard, but also as a base to draw strength in his fight against the papacy.

Valdemars brother Abel has been sent to England with an army to help prop up Henry III against the baronial faction that makes a grab for power in 1258, in return for Henry giving up his designs on Sicily and giving help in the confrontation with France and the papacy.

The two-year civil war that ensues insures that Henry is not able to ratify the French-English peace of Paris. Thanks to, among others, the ending of expenses incurred by the designs on Sicily and allowing free-reining clerical taxation of England, Henry is able to draw some of the support away from the barons, and it ends in royal victory at the battle of Lewes in 1260, thus freeing up English forces for the war that goes in further south.

There, French fortunes have been on the rise. A French army has taken substantial parts of the English holdings in southern France, and another French army has invaded the kingdom of Arelat. Were it not for Valdemars brother Abel, who has been able to play upon loyalist elements in Hennegau, thus broadening the area under his control, all news would be bad news from France.

In Germany, the picture is pretty mixed, but mostly tending toward Alfons of Castile. What holds Richard of Cornwall in the game is chiefly the aid extended to him in the north by the Welf family and Denmark. In the South-east, the Bohemians have been tied up in twin wars with the Bavarians and Hungarians, so the Bohemians under Ottokar II haven’t been of much help. In 1260, however, a victory on the Marchfeld not only throws the Hungarians out of the war, but also gives Ottokar Styria.

1260 also frees Heinrich Stauffer up from protecting Egypt. While the initial purge of pro-French elements in Egypt went along nicely, the sudden appearance of Mongol armies that (admitted, to the glee of the Christians) had taken Baghdad and killed the Caliph, had turned on the Christian lands in Syria, Palestine and Egypt. Aleppo tries to resist, but is taken in little less than a couple of weeks. After that, Little Armenia, Antioch and Damascus choose to pay tribute to the Mongols.

Initial negotiations with the Mongol supreme commander, who is rather friendly towards the Christians, end without result as Erik refuses to submit. Luckily for him, the Mongol khan dies in 1259 before the Mongol army can attack. While most of the Mongol army heads home, a corps is ordered to continue the conquest of Egypt. There are certain factors working in favour of Erik, though, other than the reduced size of the Mongol army. Not only is it led by a Christian general, and to a large extent made up of Christian (Georgian and Armenian) soldiers, Erik’s is able to enticing the Christians in the Mongol army to defect, then defeat the remnant decisively at the Springs of Goliath in 1260, bringing Crusader rule all the way to the Tigris. Learning that the Mongol empire is descending into civil war, Heinrich then leaves Egypt in the hand of trusted aides, and takes an army west to Italy.

1261

With Henry III now solidly in power in England, he is able to send an army to regain his possessions in southern France. Favoured by the dispersion of French forces in Arelat and Flanders, Henry indeed soon finds himself cheered as a liberator in all his old lands – never mind that the very same mobs that cheer him now cheered the French, too, only two years ago.

In Germany, meanwhile, the fortunes also shift somewhat to the benefit of Richard of Cornwall. This is both because subsidies are now freely flowing from England, but also because Alfonse of Castile, frankly, is not a very nice guy. Either by personal obstinacy or his somewhat unpopular ideas about just how much loyalty the German nobles have to display towards him, he manages to be deserted by pretty much all his erstwhile German allies but the ones the Pope puts at his bidding – which are not even all the clerical rulers, since a good deal of those don’t like Alfonse, either.

As a Danish army comes to the aid of Abel in Flanders, he is also able to turn the tides in that region. Not only are the French under king Louis IX driven out, they are also beaten in battle not far south of Dunquerque, where a smaller English contingent manages to join the Flemish-Danish army. After the battle, all is general murder and mayhem as the Fleming and Danes plunder the north of France, forcing the French to evacuate Arelat. Louis manages to get away, though.

In the Iberian Peninsula, nothing really big happens, primarily thanks to the absence of Alfonse in Germany. So while the border fortresses are rather peaceful, even to the extent of inviting over the opponent for a feast once in a while, Aragon is able to pour some resources into the south of France, where she has for at least a century had some claim to a wide range of territory, stretching from the Alps to the Biscay. With most French troops away, either campaigning in Arelat or fighting in Flanders, it’s a pretty easy task, too. Actually just a question of besieging a couple recalcitrant fortresses, and otherwise have the local nobles switch their allegiance from the French king to the Aragonese.

While the land border with Aragon is rather peaceful – the border nobles don’t really see the point in ravaging each others lands, Alfonse is able to make the people he left at home launch an attack upon Sicily, though. There, they are beaten back by Heinrich, however, who gets help from his cousin Erik in Egypt. In all this, the Italian trading cities are kept neutral by the fact that the Valdemar/Stauffer side occupies most of the lucrative trading grounds in the eastern Mediterranean.

1262

Louis IX of France definitely doesn’t like what he sees. Not only is the area under his control back to where it was at the beginning of the war, what with the English retaking of the south – in some regions French lands have actually been lost. Though the Flemish-Danish army has retreated out of France, to go into winter quarters in Flanders, a joint Stauffer-Aragon expedition manages to not only retake Arelat (not really a big problem, since the French have had to evacuate, but occupy Provence, too, claiming it for the Aragonese throne based on relationship, claiming the French acquisition of the duchy was a hoax.

At the same time, Alfonse of Castile decides to call it quits in Germany – now even the Papal puppets in the Rhineland have given up on him, and Bavaria is decidedly not about to risk territory on his behalf, only to see it taken away by Ottokar II of Bohemia. Of course, it means he has spare energy to use against Aragon, but after years or his absence, there really are a certain number of nobles who would rather like to keep the powers they have taken to themselves while he was away – in short, there is a noble rebellion, that he has to deal with first.

It is in France proper, that the war will actually be decided, though. Knowing that they are in the stronger position, the English-Flemish-Danish-Welfer alliance sees to it that its superiority in troops will count, essentially launching a rerun of the 1213 English-Stauffer invasion of France, only with better coordination.

Louis IX, taking the initiative, moves north to prevent the joining of the Flemo-Danish troops under Abel coming from Flanders, and the German troops under Richard of Cornwall (now actually Emperor Richard I of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation). Aiming to defeat first one, then the other army before they can join up, then turn around and beat the English army that is invading Anjou at the same time, he thinks he has just the right strategy for the season. As it proves, however, he is somewhat surprised to see both armies lined up against him south of Aachen. As he tries to retreat, the allied armies manage to catch and crush his rearguard and baggage train as it crosses a river, then pursue him into France.

With the steady drip-drip of deserters returning to their homes, Louis soon realizes that this is it. Henry III is already on the Seine, and Emperor Richard is getting deeper and deeper into French territory, too. In the south, the Stauffer-Aragonese troops under Heinrich are raiding and looting all they can.

He sues for peace.

And, to his surprise, that peace is even granted him. Mind you, not without concessions. Far from it. Actually VERY far from it.

So other than apologising and giving up on any claim to what actually started all this – Egypt - he not only has to cede the lands of Abel – not only Flanders, but Hennegau, too – to the Roman Empire, he has to cede all lands claimed by the Aragonese and English, too.

Of course, this proves too much for him, and he raises another army. True to form, also the new army is beaten, in 1262 at Fontainebleu, before the king is holed up in that fortified town and put under siege.

Initially holding out for a couple of months, it becomes clear that the walls can’t hold for an eternity. But actually Louis´ finances give in before even that happens – he simply can’t afford to continue the war. Louis has to give in again, and the cessations are granted. France is defeated.

The war is over.

And Valdemar III begins to eye the next conquest, the next crusade. Against the Mongols….

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