A Dark Down Under

Updated Sunday 15 May, 2011 12:18 PM

A Dark Down Under

The Australian Constitutional Crisis of 1975

By David Atwell

Introduction

Dark had the days become in late 1975. Politics had become far too cutthroat. What with the Australian Government, headed by Gough Whitlam of the Australian Labor Party, in constant turmoil, the Opposition parties, headed by Malcolm Fraser, did everything possible in order to overthrow the Labor Government. Little was actually known back then, as against now, but nonetheless it did not overly matter what backroom games were being conducted in 1975 as events soon overtook them. As a result Australia plunged into a devastating civil war the likes of which the Western World had hardly seen of late.

Alas for Australians, it has become known lately that the Constitutional Crisis of 1975 was not entirely of Australia’s making. The CIA would also get involved, & although they never thought for a moment that their involvement would cause what eventually happen, they nevertheless, by aiding the Opposition Parties, inevitably set events in motion. Having said that, unlike Vietnam & elsewhere, the Australians were left to fight it out for themselves. Yet, even though the Australian Civil War may have ended some time ago, still to this day it is far from forgotten.

Australian Politics 1975

The Prime Minister, Gough Whitlam, came to power through a popular election held in late 1972. This election would witness the end of a very long reign for the Coalition Parties (the Liberal Party & the Country Party) which had held power continuously since 1948. But that was not necessarily the most important issue - it was the fact that a reforming left-wing patriotic Australian Labor Party was prepared to remake the Australian political, cultural & societal landscape. Everything would change & change it did. A huge load of reforms were thus rushed through Parliament whilst most Australians applauded every change.

Change, however, was not all that easy to accept for the conservative population, especially those who were staunch supporters of the Coalition Governments up until now & could not accept the fact that the Coalition was now in Opposition. Several attempts to thus create mischief, either at the political or public level took place, but for the most part these failed. It was only when Malcolm Fraser conducted a coup of sorts for the leadership of the Liberal Party that finally it appeared that someone had arrived who could take back government for the Coalition.

Of course Malcolm Fraser did not have everything his own way & indeed it was the Labor Party which helped him in his quest in dramatic fashion. Not only did the Treasurer, Jim Carins, appear to be out of step with financial reality (which was not of his making but a global recession caused in aftermath of the Yom Kippur War of 1973), but the infamous loans affair of 1975 certainly gave Fraser every opportunity to play the political game hard & tough.

Setting The Stage

As noted, the Constitutional Crisis of 1975 came about due to the political games both sides played. The Whitlam government was determined to outlast the tactics employed by the Opposition, whilst the Opposition were prepared to do everything it possibly could in order to gain power short of war. Two unknowns, however, were thrown into this play. One was the involvement by the CIA. The other was the Governor-General Sir John Kerr.

The CIA involvement came about by accident. Initially, it was nothing more than an inquiry into the future direction of Australian foreign & defence policy which had come about due to the change of government. At first the CIA, although realising that a centre-left wing government had replaced the previous conservative government, placed little alarm as to the intentions of Whitlam. This had somewhat lessoned, however, by late 1974, but the renewing of the leases for the three important American bases, one which included the extremely important spy base at Pine Gap, made the CIA presume that much of Whitlam’s banter was merely for domestic consumption & nothing to worry about. That, however, would change.

At the beginning of 1975, due to economic problems, the Whitlam government began to look towards the Arab world for a $4 billion loan. It would completely bypass the usual process how loans were raised &, furthermore, indicated a dramatic change in Australian Middle East policy. As the Yom Kippur War was still well & truly in the memories of both the Israelis & Americans, naturally enough this grabbed the attention of the CIA. Of course so far the Australian government wanted everything kept secret, as such an action may cause trouble at home politically, if not likewise with Australia’s allies.

Alas for the Australian government, the broker who they contacted, one Tirath Khemlani, was on the CIA payroll. Khemlani, however, waited two months before contacting his CIA field agent for whatever reason (it has been assumed that he may have indeed wanted to make a huge commission on the loan deal should it actually go through) & only did so after the Australian government had second thoughts on the loan & withdrew the request. Nonetheless, in an act of stupidity, the Australian Minister responsible, Rex Connor, continued contact with Khemlani for months afterwards.

By now, regardless what the Australians thought security wise, the CIA now knew of the loans business. From there the CIA then approached the Australian Securities & Intelligence Origination (ASIO) in May of 1975, not actually about the loan but what were Australia’s intentions in the Middle East. ASIO replied that there was no change as it knew no more on the matter than what was the official Australian government version. The CIA, however, began to distrust intensely the Whitlam Government. Yet the knowledge of the loans business would not be that which would force the CIA to make the next move - it was the next Australian act.

Whitlam, two days after the CIA inquiry to ASIO, began to distrust the intentions of the CIA. There was no reason, as far as he was concerned, for the CIA to be asking ASIO questions about Australian foreign policy. As a consequence, Whitlam demanded from the American Embassy a list of all CIA agents currently in Australia. Due to a number of treaties, especially the highly sensitive UKANZA Treaty, each member country had to inform the others when agents were “operational” in their territory. This was usually observed, but lapses for one reason or another did take place. Furthermore, those agents who were in an “inoperable” capacity were usually also left off the list. Whitlam, however, wanted a complete list of everyone. Upon this request the CIA decided to act.

On June 1, at a clandestine meeting between Fraser & two colleagues, the head of the CIA office in Australia divulged everything which the CIA knew about the loans business. Although this may have been the limit to which the CIA was ever involved with the Constitutional Crisis, that was merely passing on information to the Coalition Parties, it did nevertheless put in place what occurred later. Yet, even now knowing about this damaging information, the Opposition sat on it for just over a month. Then all Hell would break loose.

Spies, Games & Politicians

On July 7, Doug Anthony (leader of the Country Party), was accused of associating with CIA agents. This quickly turned into a fiasco in Parliament, but there was much truth to the allegation. Indeed, at one point, Anthony shared a house in the Australian capital, Canberra, with two men who worked for the American Embassy. Later it turn out that indeed they were CIA agents. But the more important aspect was the fact that Anthony was at the June 1 meeting with Fraser & ASIO had been watching. Having said that, it was never actually said where the information had come from. Any hint that it was from ASIO would have had dire consequences for Australian-American relations.

In retaliation, however, for the linking of Anthony with the CIA, Fraser now released substantial documentation about the loans affair. The Whitlam Government was now on the defensive, rather than thinking that it was they who had the Opposition on the ropes. The cry from around Australia about the loans affair could be heard everywhere. It was seen as “Australia’s Watergate” such was the hysteria created by the media who were now in a frenzy. For days the Australian public were treated to the next round of loans affair business whilst the popularity of the Whitlam government dropped dramatically.

But Fraser could not implement his overall plan against the Government just yet. In this he needed the compliance of the Premier of Queensland, one Jo Bjelke-Peterson. A Senate vacancy had, during this loan affairs period, come into being thanks to the untimely death of a Labor Party Senator. Although it was custom for the replacement senator to be selected by the Premier from a list provided to him by the Party in question, Bjelke-Peterson would have none of it. Instead he select one of his own choosing who was likewise against everything Whitlam. As a result, the delicate even balance in the Senate now swung to the Coalition, meaning that Fraser could act at a time of his making.

Unfortunately for Fraser, he would have to wait until October. After the CIA’s first meeting with him over the loans affair, they now remained to themselves. This was especially the case after the Anthony/CIA business. But then Whitlam persisted with getting the CIA agent’s list &, furthermore, gave a vague threat that the leases for the American bases may not be renewed next time. It was all that the American intelligence agency needed for more involvement. Thus, once again, Fraser was given more information about the loans affair which included the current illegal activities of Connor. The Whitlam government was trapped.

The Constitutional Crisis

By October the Whitlam government thought that the loans affair was behind them. As a result, they truly believed that the worst was over &, now that a new budget was in the offering (overseen by a new Treasurer one Bill Hayden), things could only improve. Indeed, when the budget was handed down most economic experts consider it to be very good. It melded the elements of reform with the conservative requirements needed in a budget during a time of economic troubles. All this, however, would be soon forgotten when Fraser had the right of reply to the budget in Parliament ten days later.

Fraser’s speech, which was anything but a reply to the Budget, on October 14 was essentially the moment the Crisis actually began. Instead, he announced that the loans affair was still on going & tabled proof that Connor had continued pursuing a loan of $4 billion, even though the government had announced, during the previous grilling, that this had stopped. Furthermore, documents clearly showed that a meeting took place between Connor & Khemlani the day after the loans affair was originally raised in Parliament. In conclusion, in the only reference made to the Budget, Fraser declared that the Monetary Bill would be blocked in the Senate. And now having the numbers, this is were the Bill would stay.

Now it would be the Governor-General’s turn to get involved. Kerr, until now, had little to do with the political process of Australia. He was merely the Queen’s representative. Nonetheless he was also a Supreme Court Judge from New South Wales & was thus very judicious in his deliberations as both a senior magistrate & Governor-General. He was also a very arrogant man who thought that the Governor-General should have a far more active role in politics. Yet this was mostly denied him due to the political structure of the country, let alone the Constitution. This would now change.

Rightly or wrongly, Kerr became more & more concerned as to the political games being conducted in Parliament. What was worse was the fact that the Budget was now held up in the Senate & there seemed to be little hope in the situation changing other than a general election. Needless to say this was exactly what Fraser was calling for, but obviously Whitlam, who still had 18 months to go before an election was required, rejected such calls.

Kerr, though, at first took on the role of mediator in an effort to get a solution to the political deadlock. As a result he got little change out of Fraser other than the demand of an early election could be held within 12 months. Only then would his party pass the Budget. Whitlam refused this offer & instead suggested to Kerr that a half Senate election be held instead in order to change the numbers in the Senate. Ironically, even though the Australian public were deeply resentful with the Government over the loans affair, it was even more resentful with the Opposition in regards to this political deadlock. There was a very good chance that the Labor Party may win a few Senate seats & then pass the Budget thanks to it regaining control of the Upper House. It was at this point Fraser became desperate.

This deadlock continued until November 11 1975. On this day, after Kerr had had secret discussions with Chief Justice Carrick of the High Court, as well as Fraser, Kerr decided that there was only one choice for him. Even though it was contrary to that which is written in the Australian Constitution, Kerr acted independently & sacked Whitlam as Prime Minister along with the Labor Government. Immediately in its place he appointed Fraser as Prime Minister as well as the Coalition Parties to form a “caretaker government.”

Immediately thereafter, Fraser made two decisions. The first was to now permit the Budget to pass the Senate thus allowing the finances of the federal government to be available for another year. The second was to advise the Governor-General that new elections were required as indeed they would. But for all of this legal show taking place at 11am on November 11, it would all descend to nothingness as Australia reacted to the Dismissal.

Initial Reactions

To say that many in Australia were dumbfounded by the Dismissal would be an understatement. Nonetheless few at this point in time thought little about rioting or going to war. That would come later. But essentially the fundamental reaction, which would set the stage for the near future, was the reaction of Whitlam. Now standing on the steps of Parliament, he announced to all & sundry:

Now may we say God save the Queen, because nothing will save the Governor-General. This announcement, just read by the Governor-General’s secretary was countersigned Malcolm Fraser; who will inevitably go down in history as Kerr’s cur!

Whitlam, furthermore, rejected the Governor-General’s decree declaring it to be unconstitutional & furthermore illegal. To the shouts of thousands who had gathered for this 1pm impromptu speech, Whitlam returned to the House whereupon a censure motion was brought before the House against Fraser & Kerr. Interestingly enough, the members of the Opposition were not included in the censure. A vote of no confidence was, however, brought against the new Coalition Government which was, needless to say, passed with little effort.

Fraser, however, was at least, legally in the eyes of the Crown, the new Prime Minister of Australia. As a result, he tried to make his way back to Parliament but was blocked by thousands of protesters who had little respect for him. Police had to come to rescue & take him back to the Governor-General’s Residence, which was also now protected by police. In the mean time, the Opposition benches in Parliament had been deserted whilst members of the Labor Party took control of the Parliamentary building.

Just like the split in Canberra, Australia too now split between the two camps. Some state leaders called for support for either side, whilst others called for calm fearing that things may get out of hand fast. Having said that, the focus was mostly on Canberra, although unionists from New South Wales had downed tools & were clearly in a fighting mood. In Queensland, protesters were soon out on the streets in Brisbane whilst the police began erecting barricades fearing the worst. Victoria, Tasmania & South Australia remained somewhat calmed, although worrisome messages were coming out of Western Australia about arresting Whitlam.

Whitlam, however, had no intention of getting arrested & continued to get on with the job of Prime Minister. When Fraser ordered federal police to remove Whitlam & company from Parliament, they refused citing that violence could erupt which could possibly cause massive civil unrest. Fraser then reluctantly called upon the army. Unlike the police, however, they were willing to oblige. They should have all listened to the advice of the police.

On November 12, the army surrounded Parliament House. Protesters were hustled away, some violently in a manner reminiscent to a coup. At around 10am, the senior army commander ordered that those in Parliament House should surrender themselves or the army would be forced to enter. Whitlam, standing on the steps of Parliament, refused the army’s demand & reminded them that they were acting on illegal orders from an unconstitutional government. Furthermore, Whitlam ordered the soldiers present to go back to the Governor-General’s Residence & arrest both Kerr & Fraser for Treason.

This, naturally, the army refused to do. The parliamentarians held up in Parliament had until 12 noon in order to surrender themselves or the army would move in.

The Battle of Parliament

Alas for Australia, the army did do what it had threatened. At 12 noon 500 fully armed soldiers moved in on Parliament House from several directions, although the front entrance was given the main attention. Those inside had built barricades where possible, which were rather well constructed, & held up the army for some time. But then it happened. Reports, even today, are sketchy at best, but without doubt some of those inside the Parliamentary building had acquired hand guns. Investigation showed that these were from the Parliament’s security guards, some of whom had stayed behind to do their jobs protecting Parliament, along with the Labor Party personnel, not forgetting a few Independent Members of Parliament as well their staffs.

Nonetheless, gunfire is all it took for the army to open fire itself on anyone who appeared to be carrying a weapon. Even worse for everyone involved was the fact that journalists were witnesses to the event & that meant that television cameras were also around. Although this was before the day of small video cameras & the like, which could broadcast live, footage of the event was soon seen on television stations all around Australia. But what was probably even more important was radio. Unlike television, radio could be broadcasted live from the field & uncensored. And so Australia, not only heard live the gunfire at Parliament House, but soon afterwards watched the army assault.

What the army refused to show to anyone, however, was the result. Many inside Parliament had been shot. Most of them were still alive, but not Whitlam. He had been killed in the opening round of gunfire. Whether it was an assassination no one was willing to confirm. Most certainly such an act was thoroughly denied by all concerned at the time: that being the army, Kerr & Fraser. Nevertheless, the Labor Party & its supporters have long claimed the opposite to be true. Having said all that, it did not matter to many whether Whitlam was assassinated or not. What mattered was the fact that the army had stormed Parliament & had killed several people in the process. The day before, Whitlam cried that a coup had, for all intents & purposes, taken place. Now it appeared this to be indeed the case.

Beginnings of a Civil War

Civil war is never great at the best of times. In fact war has always been the true enemy of the human race. Sometimes wars are justifiable, but tell that to the relatives of the dead & maimed. Such niceties, however, quickly disappeared in Australia on November 13 1975. At first light, riots had already begun as people organised themselves. Fires broke out first in Sydney & Canberra. The reaction, however, was different in both cities. In Canberra the army was quick to repress civilian unrest. Sydney was, however, another matter altogether, as army commanders there thought very differently from their Canberra cousins. As a result, the police in Sydney were, not only greatly outnumbered, but had never faced anything like it before.

In Brisbane, matters were similarly out of hand. Police had, the day before, already gotten ready for trouble & they were right. Like in Sydney, rioters took to the streets smashing any of value. When windows & cars could no longer be smashed, the rioters took to burning & looting. Thousands wandered angrily though the streets in search of destruction. And they found it. But until now, a civil war had not really started.

That was to change in Brisbane as police began firing into the rampaging crowds. The crowds, though, already angry over events in Canberra simply went wild. Any thought of some sort of civil behaviour vanished with the first deaths. Outnumbered twenty to one, the police were quickly overpowered & killed. Bjelke-Peterson, one of several who had played a part in the events leading up to the Australian Civil War, was later that day caught trying to flee Brisbane. He did not live long.

In Melbourne, as was the case in much of Victoria, most people remained at peace. A few thousand, however, followed the example of elsewhere & began protesting, but these groups were easily contained by the police. The army in Victoria, unlike their New South Wales counterparts, however, got on the move. Due to the fact that virtually the entire military force located New South Wales refused to get involved meant that Victorian units were ordered to move north. Later this also included an order to some Victorian units to move west as well due to the fact that South Australia had, not only seceded from the Commonwealth politically, but its military units had followed the South Australian government out of the Commonwealth as well.

On a smaller scale to the Victorians, Western Australia had likewise remained calm. A few protesters made noises in Perth, but police had no trouble in keeping them in check. The army in Western Australia, however, soon got busy with orders to move to South Australia. As far as Fraser & Kerr was concerned, the actions of South Australia was illegal & its rebellion had to be crushed fast should other states, like New South Wales, secede in kind. And thus the seeds & the Australian Civil War had been well & truly sown.

Civil War

Unlike many other civil wars around the world, the Australian Civil War was mostly over within a few months. It would be typified by four engagements, although many skirmishes took place between small forces & on the fringes. The most significant of the fringe battles would take place north of Brisbane. As the army units based around Townsville remained loyal to Kerr & Fraser, a mixture of civilians from Brisbane & New South Wales army units fought a delaying action which lasted well over a month. For all intents & purposes, though, it was a draw.

The main battles, on the other hand, were to take place in New South Wales & South Australian territory, although the second of the battles in New South Wales was in fact the Siege of Canberra (see below). Having said that, New South Wales would be the most important state in the civil war. Having the largest population, not only civilian but also military, if it fell then the coup would have succeeded. But at first New South Wales was in a muddle. Its government never seceded from the Commonwealth &, in fact, pledged its loyalty to Kerr & Fraser. Unfortunately for the New South Wales government, the civilian population & the military thought otherwise. All the police could thus do was watch from the sidelines & keep the protesters as civil as possible.

The first major battle of the civil war came about due to the crossing into New South Wales of the Victorian army units. These were on their way to Canberra in an effort to secure the capital city from civilian unrest, which although had been quelled for now, the situation in Canberra was still far from safe. The New South Wales army commander, however, thought otherwise & was furthermore outraged at the fact that his state had been invaded by Victoria. Units were rushed from Sydney, bypassed the federal capital in a somewhat risky moved, & was joined by two battalions stationed at Wagga in southern New South Wales. With 80km of Canberra, the Battle of Yass then commenced. The Victorians, who were taken completely by surprise by the attack, fell back in confusion. Having been stunned more than anything by the New South Wales attack, they retreated back to their own border being followed all the way by New South Wales troops.

Although the Battle of Yass ensured that New South Wales was safe for the moment, it was a different story for South Australia. Having a Victorian army force cross the border into South Australia at the same time as New South Wales was invaded, meant that South Australia would be fighting a war on two fronts, as reports were coming in that a brigade sized force was invading the state from Western Australia. As things go, however, the Western Australia force could not get to anything important in South Australia for some time as only desert covered all of western & central South Australia. The Victorian threat, on the other hand, was another mater altogether, as Adelaide, the capital of South Australia, could be under threat within two days. Thus the South Australian army decided to take a stand at the Murray River.

The Battle of Murray River would be a nasty & long affair. The Victorians, who had already heard of the experience of their fortunes in New South Wales, now took the business of civil war seriously. This would be unfortunate for the South Australians, but this did not mean that the Battle of Murray River would go the Victorian’s way. In fact neither side could claim it as a victory as both sides had become well entrenched along the banks of the river by the time the civil war was over. Nonetheless, the Victorians launched several savage attacks on the South Australian lines, which although were successfully beaten back, meant high casualties for all involved.

The same could not be said for the West Australians. The luckless western army, although enjoying great success on their initial invasion of South Australia, would soon suffer greatly. Unlike in Western Australia, South Australia enjoyed a large air force base that was fully manned. Furthermore, the air force was about the only unit left which the South Australians could use. So the South Australians were placed in desperate situation. Having said that, a brigade of the New South Wales army was rushing to South Australia to help in that state’s defence, as indeed it would, but time was, at this point, against the South Australians. Thus the decision was made to attack the West Australian invaders from the air.

Never before had Australians suffered the fate as befell the Western Australians. Using the new F-111 bomber, 20 such aircraft came screaming out of no-where hitting the invading army. Needless to say, the West Australians were far from ready for an air attack & the results on the ground showed it. In the first attack, the West Australians lost close to 20% casualties. Four further air attacks would ensure further losses, but these were thankfully fewer as the West Australians had readied themselves. In the event, however, the South Australians lost three F-111. Nonetheless the South Australian air force had done its job.

Alas for the West Australians, their venture into South Australia did not end there. Knowing exactly the location of the invasion force, the New South Wales brigade, along with an attached South Australian battalion, homed in on the West Australians like bees to honey. By the time of the last F-111 attacked the invaders, the New South Wales & South Australian army attacked on the ground. It was all too much for the surviving West Australian soldiers who soon surrendered rather than join the ranks of their 600 dead & wounded comrades.

Even though the defeat of the West Australians was important, it was nothing compared with the struggle now taking place around Canberra. Through accident rather than design, New South Wales forces had surrounded the Australian capital, although they had little intention of attacking. Rather the tactic was to starve Fraser & Kerr out. That is not to say, however, that fighting did not take place. Not long after the defeat of the Victorians at Yass, the Canberra garrison did indeed attack towards the south hoping to link up with the Victorians. Alas for the Canberra garrison, the Victorians were well on their way back south & they ran into the victorious New South Wales forces to the north of Yass. A quick exchange followed whereupon the Canberra garrison fell back to its starting positions.

Life in Canberra, however, soon became miserable for the civilians. Hundreds were soon refugees & headed for the siege lines. Naturally these were let through, but it caused all sorts of headaches for the besiegers. Political problems too were constant as the Premier of New South Wales did all that he could to break the siege from behind the lines, but few listened to him. Basically he was stuck in Sydney protected by police, whilst everyone else did what they wanted in spite of him.

Time, though, was becoming a problem for everyone. In Victoria there were moves to attempt another invasion of New South Wales, although it was quickly pointed out that Victoria could not conduct an aggressive war on two fronts. As the Battle of the Murray continued, it was furthermore feared that South Australia & New South Wales forces which were released from other duties, thanks to the defeat of the West Australians, would soon make their presence felt there. And just as importantly, New South Wales could position more units along its border with Victoria ensuring any invasion could end in disaster.

Yet if time was a problem elsewhere, it had become an even bigger one for Kerr & Fraser. Clearly, the pressure had gotten to them, especially Kerr. Now notably drunk, regardless whether he was in private or out in public, he had clearly lost any ability to cope with the situation. Fraser, in a similar fashion, now feared what would happen to him if he lost power. As a result, he called for all sorts of measures, including an offensive out of Canberra to break the blockade. His military, though, had become increasingly concerned about the situation, let alone Fraser’s state of mind. Interestingly enough, it would be the military on Fraser’s side who would become his greatest threat.

An End to a Civil War

By March 1, Australia, it is fair to say, was exhausted from civil war. Furthermore, the general population had had enough. Regardless of what edicts had come out of Canberra, & the fact that close to half of Australia still saw Canberra as the capital, with Fraser still as Prime Minister, the army on both sides shared the thoughts of the Australian People on the matter & decided to act. Before Fraser, or Kerr for that matter, could order otherwise, New South Wales army units began to enter Canberra as the garrison there gave no battle. They had not surrendered, or indeed changed sides, they merely let the New South Wales forces into the federal capital. As a result, it was clear that the Canberra garrison had decided to look the other way in order to end the civil war.

Fraser was arrested later that day at the Prime Minister’s Residence. Ironically it still had much property & so forth left behind from its previous resident Gough Whitlam. Fraser, however, refused to go quietly & was violently removed then taken into custody. Kerr’s arrest would be a different matter. Having gained the ownership of a gun, Kerr refused to surrender & decided to stand & fight it out even if drunk. The New South Wales troops were, apparently, more than happy to oblige Kerr & he was quickly shot down in a hail of bullets.

Although life in Australia would return to somewhat normal on the surface, in reality life is now very different. Antagonisms between the states has become entrenched & memories of killing Australians by Australians have not been forgotten. As a result, there are in many respects two countries making up the Commonwealth of Australia, even though a new Parliament was soon elected in mid 1976 whilst a new Governor-General was appointed personally by Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II. But this split in Australia, between New South Wales, South Australia & Queensland on the one side, & Victoria, Tasmania & Western Australia on the other, is far from being reconciled currently & is far from being done so in the near future.

Texts

Bolton, G. The Middle Way 1942-1988, Melbourne, 1990.

Browning, H. O. 1975 Crisis, Sydney, 1985.

Clarke, M. A Short History of Australia, Ringwood, 1995

Kelly, P. November 1975, St Leonards, 1995

Kelly, P. The Dismissal, Sydney, 1983.

Patience, A. & Head, B. From Whitlam to Fraser, Melbourne, 1979.

Pilger, J. Distant Voices, London, 1994.

Pilger, J. A Secret Country, London, 1990.

Internet

Atwell, D. The Dismissal, The Sydney Press, & Class Participation, (http://www.geocities.com/d_matwell01/opinion.html)

Atwell, D. The Dismissal & the Editorials, (http://www.geocities.com/d_matwell01/editors.html)

Micheal, K, More on Whitlam’s Dismissal, (http://csf.colorado.edu/pen-l/2001II/msg04502.html)

November 11^th 1975, (http://whitlamdismissal.com/)

The CIA in Australia Part 2, (http://cia_oz_files.tripod.com/pages/The_CIA_in_Australia_Part_2.htm)

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